By Mirjam Künkler, Alfred Stepan
Indonesia's army govt collapsed in 1998, igniting fears that monetary, non secular, and political conflicts might complicate any democratic transition. but in each year on account that 2006, the world's such a lot populous Muslim kingdom has bought excessive marks from foreign democracy-ranking organisations. during this quantity, political scientists, spiritual students, criminal theorists, and anthropologists learn the idea and perform of Indonesia's democratic transition and its skill to function a version for different Muslim nations. They evaluate the Indonesian instance with related situations in Chile, Spain, India, and Tunisia, in addition to with the failed transitions of Yugoslavia, Egypt, and Iran. Essays discover the connection among faith and politics and the ways that Muslims grew to become supportive of democracy even ahead of switch happened, and so they describe how leading edge guidelines avoided dissident army teams, violent non secular activists, and secessionists from disrupting Indonesia's democratic evolution. the gathering concludes with a dialogue of Indonesia's rising "legal pluralism" and of which of its varieties are rights-eroding and rights-protecting.
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Extra resources for Democracy and Islam in Indonesia
If this woman ever wants to marry again in the Muslim community, she has a personal need for a divorce that is Islamically sanctioned because her community will not recognize a British civil divorce. ” At the same time, if this young woman wants, as is her right and need, to have a divorce that is civilly recognized and have the state use its democratic coercive capacity to compel the former husband to pay alimony and child support, she also needs the existence of and access to a formal legal system.
23 By 2003, discussions and fears of a military reconquest, which had been quite high at the start of the transition, began to recede sharply. ” The Post-transition Emergence and Decline of Violent Islamism Various violent Islamist groups, both homegrown and transnational, rapidly came out of hiding or emerged in the early years of the democratic transition. They made their presence felt through terrorist and vigilante attacks on nightclubs, bookstores, and coffee shops and eventually in bloody interreligious conflicts on the outer islands.
7 The transition, Liddle and Mujani argue, was completed as early as 2004: the outgoing Parliament in November 1998 set a date for the country’s first free elections since 1955; free and fair elections were held in 1999; the newly elected Parliament then democratized the Constitution in four rounds of constitutional amendments (1999–2001);8 and, finally, the military’s undemocratic participation in the legislature and the election of the president was eliminated in 2004. Linz and Stepan outline in their framework three dimensions of democratic consolidation, and Liddle and Mujani analyze these three dimensions for Indonesia: the attitudinal dimension toward democracy both before and after the transition; the behavioral dimension, particularly of the key groups that have the capacity to possibly overthrow the democratic regime or fragment the state; and the constitutional dimension, whereby the new regime establishes not only a democratic constitution, but a series of horizontal and vertical checks, particularly on the state apparatus itself, so that the democratic regime itself is law bounded, transparent, responsive, and not solely majoritarian.