By Jeremy Gilbert

Universal floor is an cutting edge exploration of the philosophical dating among collectivity, individuality, have an effect on and employer within the neoliberal period. Jeremy Gilbert argues that individualism is pressured upon us via neoliberal tradition, fatally restricting our means to flee the present quandary of democratic politics.

The publication asks how forces and ideas against neoliberal hegemony, and to the individualist culture in Western concept, may perhaps serve to guard a few inspiration of communality, and the way a ways we needs to settle for assumptions concerning the nature of individuality and collectivity that are the legacy of an elitist culture. alongside how it examines various rules and practices of collectivity, from conservative notions of a hierarchical, patriarchal, homogenous neighborhood to the politics of 'horizontality' and 'the commons' that are on the middle of radical hobbies today.

Exploring this basic faultline in modern political fight, universal flooring proposes a noticeably non-individualist mode of imagining social lifestyles, collective creativity and democratic chance.

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Extra info for Common Ground: Democracy and Collectivity in an Age of Individualism

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The first mode is ... a radical revolutionary process. This modernity destroys its relations with the past and declares the immanence of the new paradigm of the world and life. It develops knowledge and action as scientific experimentation and defines a tendency towards democratic politics, posing humanity and desire at the centre of history. From the artisan to the astronomer, from the merchant to the politician, in art as in religion, the material of existence is reformed by a new life. This new emergence, however, created a war.

While Foucault himself tends not to stress this point,14 it is clear enough that we can see in this history the persistence of a particular fear: the fear of what might happen if the potential power of the vast 18 Gilbert T01517 01 text 18 08/10/2013 08:11 postmodernity and the crisis of democracy collectivities which industrial and urban modernity was bringing into being were to actualise itself concretely; and, crucially, an awareness of how such actualisation might best be avoided. The prevention of lateral communication between the constituent elements of the collectivity and its perpetual disaggregation into individual units are the basic mechanics of the disciplinary inhibition of this potential power which we can only call ‘democratic’.

From this point of view, ‘postmodernity’ might in fact be a rather simpler affair than ‘modernity’. If the experience of modernity was the experience of a perpetual contest between capitalism and its institutional rivals – whether feudal and traditional on the one hand or modern, democratic and socialistic on the other – then ‘postmodernity’ may merely be the name for the situation in which that contest has been finally resolved in capitalism’s favour. From this point of view, the end of the Soviet experiment in 1989 marked the end of modernity in a very concrete way.

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